Moraic onsets
This thesis examines the status of onsets and their effects on stress and prosody. I argue that moraic onsets exist, a claim that contradicts standard phonological models (Hyman 1985, Hayes 1989, Gordon 1999, Moren 1999) which assume that onsets are not moraic, given that in the overwhelming majority of languages onsets are inert for prosodic processes. Using data from Piraha, Karo and Arabela stress, I show that weightful onsets actively participate in weight-sensitive stress assignment. Moreover, I point out that if onsets can be moraic, a host of other weight-based phenomena, should also be able to utilize them. This is exactly right, as verified by word minimality in Bella Coola, Samothraki Greek compensatory lengthening (CL), onset geminates in Pattani Malay, Trukese and Marshallese and a variety of other data, e.g. Trique CL, Bellonese reduplication. Crucially, this is not a prediction shared by previous prominence-based analyses of similar facts (Hayes 1995, Gordon 2005, Smith 2005). Prominence is inherently designed to account only for stress, not for other weight-based phenomena. If one were to entertain a prominence account, then most of the data above would remain unexplained. However, not all onsets
Topintzi, Ionna
Moraic onsets. This thesis examines the status of onsets and their effects on stress and prosody. I argue that moraic onsets exist, a claim that contradicts standard phonological models (Hyman 1985, Hayes 1989, Gordon 1999, Moren 1999) which assume that onsets are not moraic, given that in the overwhelming majority of languages onsets are inert for prosodic processes. Using data from Piraha, Karo and Arabela stress, I show that weightful onsets actively participate in weight-sensitive stress assignment. Moreover, I point out that if onsets can be moraic, a host of other weight-based phenomena, should also be able to utilize them. This is exactly right, as verified by word minimality in Bella Coola, Samothraki Greek compensatory lengthening (CL), onset geminates in Pattani Malay, Trukese and Marshallese and a variety of other data, e.g. Trique CL, Bellonese reduplication. Crucially, this is not a prediction shared by previous prominence-based analyses of similar facts (Hayes 1995, Gordon 2005, Smith 2005). Prominence is inherently designed to account only for stress, not for other weight-based phenomena. If one were to entertain a prominence account, then most of the data above would remain unexplained. However, not all onsets
onset examines status onset effect stress prosody argue onset exist claim contradicts standard phonological model assume onset give overwhelming majority languages onset inert prosodic process using_data stress show onset actively participate weight sensitive stress_assignment moreover point onset host weight based phenomenon also able utilize them exactly right verify word greek compensatory lengthening onset malay variety data reduplication crucially prediction share previous prominence based_analysis similar fact smith prominence inherently design account stress weight based phenomenon entertain prominence account_data would remain unexplained however onset