A unified theory of inherited features
There are two thrusts to this dissertation, one backward-looking, one forward. The first is that HPSG is a better minimalist theory than is attainable for the Principles and Parameters framework, given its programmatic goals and its commitment to move alpha as the central explanatory mechanism. The second is that there should be no artificial dichotomy between the inherited features which participate in unbounded dependencies. In the introductory chapter, I point out certain fundamental problems relating to the assumption that grammaticality is determined via conditions on movement operations, and provide a sketch of the importance of structure-sharing in HPSG, a theory which makes no appeal to movement. In chapter one, I present the evidence for a second wh-question feature, and extend Johnson and Lappin's treatment to account for the important ~Subjacency in Japanese~ data. In chapter two, I indicate certain flaws in Johnson and Lappin's approach, related to the fact that their account is not ~head-driven~ in having inherited features amalgamated through selecting heads. I suggest that this may be rectified while preserving a unified account of inheritance if LOCAL is retired, allowing full synsem structure-sharing
Evans, H.
A unified theory of inherited features. There are two thrusts to this dissertation, one backward-looking, one forward. The first is that HPSG is a better minimalist theory than is attainable for the Principles and Parameters framework, given its programmatic goals and its commitment to move alpha as the central explanatory mechanism. The second is that there should be no artificial dichotomy between the inherited features which participate in unbounded dependencies. In the introductory chapter, I point out certain fundamental problems relating to the assumption that grammaticality is determined via conditions on movement operations, and provide a sketch of the importance of structure-sharing in HPSG, a theory which makes no appeal to movement. In chapter one, I present the evidence for a second wh-question feature, and extend Johnson and Lappin's treatment to account for the important ~Subjacency in Japanese~ data. In chapter two, I indicate certain flaws in Johnson and Lappin's approach, related to the fact that their account is not ~head-driven~ in having inherited features amalgamated through selecting heads. I suggest that this may be rectified while preserving a unified account of inheritance if LOCAL is retired, allowing full synsem structure-sharing
unified theory inherit feature thrust backward looking forward first hpsg well minimalist_theory principles parameters framework give programmatic goal commitment move central explanatory mechanism second artificial dichotomy inherit feature participate dependency introductory point certain_fundamental problem_relate assumption grammaticality determine via condition movement operation provide sketch importance structure sharing hpsg theory make appeal movement present_evidence second question feature extend johnson treatment account important japanese data indicate certain flaw johnson related fact account head_driven inherited feature amalgamate select head suggest may rectify preserve unified_account inheritance local allow full structure sharing