The syntax and syntax-external interface of quantification in Mandarin Chinese
The thesis investigates the phenomena of quantification in Mandarin Chinese. I provide an account of the word order of quantification in Mandarin Chinese by studying its syntax and syntax-external interface. I argue that the unique word order of Chinese quantification results from the obligatory requirement of two lexical itemsâdou âallâ (from mei âeveryâ) and you âhaveâ (from the indefinites). I show that the syntax and semantics of the two items bring about flexibility of preverbal word order of universals and indefinites, which further leads to the absence of quantifier raising in Mandarin. On dou, I argue it is an associated adverb rather than a head of functional projection. Semantically, it is seen as a D operator and universal quantifier. It allows âintermediate distributivityâ and guarantees the maximality of the domain of the associated DP. Mei âeveryâ is argued to be a distributive dependant and set the value for Cover, a variable brought by dou. I show that you and indefinite is a parallel pair of meiâŠdou. I argue the licenser of preverbal indefinites you is a functional head occupying the Infl position and I argue against the verbal analysis. I also account for the adjacency
Cao, H.
The syntax and syntax-external interface of quantification in Mandarin Chinese. The thesis investigates the phenomena of quantification in Mandarin Chinese. I provide an account of the word order of quantification in Mandarin Chinese by studying its syntax and syntax-external interface. I argue that the unique word order of Chinese quantification results from the obligatory requirement of two lexical itemsâdou âallâ (from mei âeveryâ) and you âhaveâ (from the indefinites). I show that the syntax and semantics of the two items bring about flexibility of preverbal word order of universals and indefinites, which further leads to the absence of quantifier raising in Mandarin. On dou, I argue it is an associated adverb rather than a head of functional projection. Semantically, it is seen as a D operator and universal quantifier. It allows âintermediate distributivityâ and guarantees the maximality of the domain of the associated DP. Mei âeveryâ is argued to be a distributive dependant and set the value for Cover, a variable brought by dou. I show that you and indefinite is a parallel pair of meiâŠdou. I argue the licenser of preverbal indefinites you is a functional head occupying the Infl position and I argue against the verbal analysis. I also account for the adjacency
syntax syntax external interface quantification mandarin_chinese investigate phenomena quantification mandarin_chinese provide_account word_order quantification mandarin_chinese study syntax syntax external interface argue unique word_order chinese quantification obligatory requirement lexical_item every show syntax_semantics item bring flexibility preverbal word_order universal lead absence quantifier raise mandarin argue associate adverb rather head functional_projection semantically see operator universal quantifier allows intermediate guarantee domain associate every argue distributive set value cover variable bring show indefinite parallel pair argue preverbal functional_head occupy infl position argue verbal analysis also account adjacency