Scope alternation and type logical grammar
This thesis provides an analysis of QNP scope which naturally explains the characteristic tensed-clause locality constraint. Linguistically, I argue that QNP scope is not explained by A-bar movement or A-movement. A-bar movement is different from QNP scope in terms of the locality constraints and A-movement is not flexible enough to explain scope ambiguity. Instead of reducing QNP scope to A-bar or A-movement phenomena, I argue that scope ambiguity is a result of an independent operation that allows us to merge QNPs as syntactic arguments of the local functors even though they are semantically operators. To instantiate this idea, I reformulate Hendriks' argument raising as a special rule (called Argument Slot Raising or ASR) in a non-associative grammar NL. ASR only affects the local functor of the QNP in question. Thus, the QNP's scope is predicted to stay within the final output of this functor. For control/auxiliary/raising constructions, I extend NL by introducing an association rule that is restricted by a pair of merge modes in Moortgat's (1997) Multi-Modal grammar. This structural rule may postpone the saturation of NP argument slots, allowing a complex predicate to be formed. Application of ASR to
Uchida, Hiroyuki
Scope alternation and type logical grammar. This thesis provides an analysis of QNP scope which naturally explains the characteristic tensed-clause locality constraint. Linguistically, I argue that QNP scope is not explained by A-bar movement or A-movement. A-bar movement is different from QNP scope in terms of the locality constraints and A-movement is not flexible enough to explain scope ambiguity. Instead of reducing QNP scope to A-bar or A-movement phenomena, I argue that scope ambiguity is a result of an independent operation that allows us to merge QNPs as syntactic arguments of the local functors even though they are semantically operators. To instantiate this idea, I reformulate Hendriks' argument raising as a special rule (called Argument Slot Raising or ASR) in a non-associative grammar NL. ASR only affects the local functor of the QNP in question. Thus, the QNP's scope is predicted to stay within the final output of this functor. For control/auxiliary/raising constructions, I extend NL by introducing an association rule that is restricted by a pair of merge modes in Moortgat's (1997) Multi-Modal grammar. This structural rule may postpone the saturation of NP argument slots, allowing a complex predicate to be formed. Application of ASR to
scope alternation type logical grammar provide_analysis scope naturally explain characteristic clause locality constraint linguistically argue scope explain bar movement movement bar movement different scope term locality constraint movement flexible enough explain scope ambiguity instead reduce scope bar movement phenomenon argue scope ambiguity independent operation allow merge syntactic argument local even_though semantically operator instantiate idea reformulate argument raise special rule call argument slot raising asr non associative grammar asr affect local question thus scope predict stay within final output control auxiliary raising construction extend introduce association rule restrict pair merge mode multi_modal grammar structural rule may argument slot allow complex predicate form application asr